What did Andrei Grachev, former advisor to Mikhail Gorbachev, mean when he stated, “The past of Russia is unpredictable”? What he implied was that Russia’s political future remains uncertain, as it is unclear which aspect of its past it might draw from to shape its identity. Will Russia define itself by the legacy of the USSR, or will Putin choose to come back to the imperial logic of pre-1917 Russia? Which chapter of its national narrative would re-emerge?
Today, many assert that Vladimir Putin, a former KGB lieutenant-colonel, is a product of the Soviet Union. Putin’s foreign policy actions cause international media to believe that he wants to reestablish the USSR, the fall of which he has described as the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the [twentieth] century.” Following this vision, it is widely believed that he longs to return to a world reminiscent of the Cold War, where two superpowers—the USSR and the United States—held dominion. I argue that on the contrary, Russia’s broader foreign policy narrative surrounding the war in Ukraine suggests that Putin’s actions on the international scene are not anchored in nostalgia for the USSR, but rather in the wish to bring back the Russian Empire in a multipolar or multi-imperial world.
The first way imperial logic permeates Russian society is by shaping the state’s vision of its political geography. Russia does not define itself as a nation-state with clear borders, but rather perceives itself as an empire with only fronts, not borders. As the American sociologist Charles Tilly put it, “War makes the state, and the state makes war.” Therefore, waging war is not merely a conflict between two opposing nations or entities. From the Kremlin’s perspective, war is conceived as a process of transformation that shapes identity, mindsets and nations. In that way, beyond a refusal of the traditional diplomacy channels, the act of opening fire on Ukraine was arguably part of a more global ideology of a shifting Russian identity. This shift in a country’s identity because of war is seen in both Russian and Ukrainian belligerents, who, since the invasion of Ukraine, have undergone changes in paradigms. Russians shifted from federation to empire, and Ukrainians from nation to state.
From Georgia to Kazakhstan, Armenia to Belarus, and Ukraine to Moldova, the new Russian Empire gnaws away at the sovereignty of neighboring states, turning them into true “gueules cassées” when they refuse to obey Putin’s orders. Russia’s harmonization of its territory follows cultural and linguistic frontiers instead of physical borders, an idea deeply rooted in imperialist logic that sees the empire as a culturally coherent entity. Following that definition, its borders should align with ideological consideration with no regard to the population’s consent. Hence, Russia’s self-definition in its ‘Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation’ is that of “a unique country-civilization (…) that brings together the Russian people and other peoples belonging to the cultural and civilizational community of the Russian world.”
We also saw the formation of a growing Russian interest in the African continent with the assistance of the Wagner paramilitary group to project influence in regions where Russia’s formal military presence would be diplomatically or politically complex. Wagner operated as a quasi-private entity, yet they remained closely linked to the Kremlin, functioning as an unofficial arm of Russian foreign policy. But in many African countries, Wagner’s presence extended beyond providing security assistance or combat training to governmental forces. Wagner is heavily involved in subordinating African states—like the Central African Republic and Sudan—and seizing their natural resources. In these countries, Wagner operatives secure mineral resources in exchange for supporting local regimes through corruption. This control mirrors traditional colonial strategies, where colonial powers exploit the resources of occupied territories to enrich themselves.
Russia also goes back to imperial governance in the organization of its political structure. At the heart of Russia’s neo-imperial resurgence is the centralization of power in President Vladimir Putin’s hands, a concentration that echoes the authority of Russia’s historical tsars. At the helm of the country reigns a man, who could be called a tsar, exercising power with the blessing of the Orthodox Patriarch Kirill Vladimir Mikhailovich Gundyaev, himself a former KGB member. This return to a ruling supported by the Orthodox Church marks a shift from atheist Soviet policies to a form of nationalist orthodoxy.
By showing a direct link between religion and the State, the Russian Empire is also making an ideological comeback. The State’s functioning no longer rests on a specific ideology like it did during the USSR, when communism dictated the nature of the policies and strictly prohibited any contact with religion. Nowadays, the Kremlin, following imperial logic, pushes for territorial expansion and seeks recognition of its actions by the Orthodox church. Russia’s geopolitical stance no longer stems from a broader socio-political ideology, instead, it directly reflects the personal wishes of its new “tsar,” Vladimir Putin.
Lastly, Russia’s vision of the international order stems from a conception of the world as a multipolar space where all nations have a say. In a document published on March 31, 2023, the Russian Federation adopted a new Concept of the Foreign Policy echoing this geopolitical doctrine. With no surprise, the report displays a tone of victimization, underscoring the need for a more “equitable multipolar world” as opposed to the “imbalanced model of world development which has for centuries ensured the advanced economic growth of colonial powers through the appropriation of resources of dependent territories,” accusing countries of refusing to recognize a more just vision of the international order. From this report, we understand that Russia’s vision of the future is one of a multipolar world in which Russia could play a central role. It firmly condemns any attempts from the UN to impose standard norms that serve as mere “platforms for harmonizing the interests of the leading powers” that undermines Russian power.
But the Russian Empire is not alone in adopting this desire to strike back. It is part of a larger pattern, with countries including Russia, China, and Turkey following this neo-imperial logic to reassert territorial control. These countries all aim to overcome the post-World War II Western vision of international relations, shaped by Western and pro-American values. They dream of imposing their own conception of the international order, exploiting any weaknesses within Western democracies to assert their neo-imperial ambitions.
Putin has crafted a form of governance that looks back to the Russian Empire for inspiration, and casts him as a modern-day tsar, positioning Russia as a unique, influential power within what could become a multi-imperial world order if other countries follow the Russian model. Even though the French historian Jean-Baptiste Duroselle once predicted by his book title that “all empires will perish,” it is evident that Vladimir Putin is relying on neo-imperial warfare to consolidate his tyranny, humiliate his neighbors, and restore Russia’s power. This persistence of imperial ambitions illustrates a key point: while empires as political entities may perish, imperialism as a mindset and strategy endures. Indeed, the persistence of neo-imperial ambitions shows that imperialist practices are still a reality and stay not as remnants of past eras, but as adaptive responses to today’s multipolar world order. It falls upon the Russian people, other post-Soviet states, and democratic nations to prevent a lifetime president like Putin from someday declaring, “All empires shall be reborn.”
Cover : Vladimir Putin attended a prayer service at the Annunciation Cathedral in the Kremlin, Official online resources of the President of Russia.
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